Nearly two years after Israel launched a war aimed at dismantling Hamas following the Oct. 7 attacks, the movement remains the dominant force in Gaza. Despite the devastation of infrastructure, the assassination of top leaders and a crippling blockade, Hamas continues to govern, fight and even pay salaries.
Analysts say this endurance is not a coincidence. It’s the result of an organization that has embedded itself deeply into the fabric of Gaza’s society, adapted militarily and evolved its financial tactics to survive one of the most intense conflicts in the region’s modern history.
Hamas is not just a military wing or a political party. It’s something much broader — deeply rooted in Palestinian society.
“Hamas is not just a military wing or a political party,” said Dr. Michael Milshtein, head of the Palestinian Studies Forum at the Moshe Dayan Center. “It’s something much broader — deeply rooted in Palestinian society. Over the past 20 years, they’ve built strong connections through education, charity, mosques, youth clubs and women’s associations.”
Milshtein argues that the movement’s social infrastructure is a major reason it continues to enjoy support, even after what he estimates to be the loss of 25,000 to 27,000 members, many from its military wing.
They’ve suffered enormous losses, but they have thousands of operatives and supporters ready to step in
“Their organizational DNA is built on resilience and redundancy,” he explained. “They’ve suffered enormous losses, but they have thousands of operatives and supporters ready to step in. They’re still the dominant power in Gaza.”
Ihsan Ataya, head of the Arab and International Relations Department for the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, sees that strength coming from both ideological commitment and operational structure.
“Hamas has managed to maintain political control under a genocidal war and starvation campaign,” Ataya told The Media Line. “They operate with a tightly structured organization and strong security apparatus that helps maintain internal order — even under the most extreme conditions.”
Militarily, Hamas has shifted tactics. Gone are the battalions and brigades of previous wars. Instead, the group now relies on small, mobile units conducting guerrilla warfare inside Gaza’s urban ruins.
It’s no longer about battalions — now it’s cells of three, five, seven fighters at most, carrying out ambushes and urban attacks
“Since mid-2024, they adopted a doctrine of attrition,” Milshtein said. “It’s no longer about battalions — now it’s cells of three, five, seven fighters at most, carrying out ambushes and urban attacks.”
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Ataya agreed that Hamas field commanders continue to play a vital role, guiding attacks under Israel’s overwhelming air and ground presence.
“Military operations remain intense and coordinated,” he said. “Despite Israeli air dominance, fighters plant explosives, prepare ambushes, and maintain tactical communication between units. These aren’t isolated acts — there’s still a level of organization behind them.”
Both experts note that Hamas’s underground tunnel network remains central to its resilience, enabling the movement of fighters, weapons and even leadership figures across vast stretches of Gaza.
Perhaps most surprisingly, Hamas continues to pay its members — albeit in creative ways. Salaries aren’t what they once were, and cash is no longer the only currency.
Hamas distributes food boxes, water and humanitarian supplies as salary substitutes
“Payment isn’t just in shekels anymore,” Milshtein said. “Hamas distributes food boxes, water and humanitarian supplies as salary substitutes. This assistance, often looted or diverted from international aid, replaces cash.”
Ataya adds that even amid financial siege, the movement finds ways to ensure a degree of compensation for its rank and file.
“They’ve managed to continue paying salaries and providing services, even while Gaza lies in ruins,” he said. “That frustrates the Israeli leadership and fuels the continued violence aimed at pressuring them to surrender.”
A recent BBC investigation sheds further light on these financial tactics. The report alleges that Hamas had stockpiled more than $700 million in cash in underground hideouts prior to Oct. 7. These funds are reportedly still being distributed in secret, with Hamas operatives meeting briefly — sometimes over tea — to hand over envelopes containing partial salaries.
According to the BBC, most Hamas employees now receive only about 20 percent of their prewar salaries, roughly NIS 1,000 (around $300) every 10 weeks. To make up for the shortfall, Hamas is also said to be taxing traders, selling goods like cigarettes at inflated prices and redirecting humanitarian aid for resale.
“There’s no question Hamas is under financial strain,” Milshtein said. “But they’ve always been adaptive. Whether it’s drones, smuggling routes through Bedouin networks or backchannels in Rafah — they find ways to move money.”
One of the reasons Hamas remains so cohesive is its unified command structure. Contrary to portrayals of deep division between its Gaza-based leadership and exiled political bureau, both Ataya and Milshtein emphasize tight coordination.
There’s a misconception about splits in leadership. In reality, the two wings — inside Gaza and abroad — work closely together
“There’s a misconception about splits in leadership,” Milshtein said. “In reality, the two wings — inside Gaza and abroad — work closely together, especially when it comes to funding and strategic decisions.”
Ataya points to leaders like Zaher Jabarin (based in Istanbul) and Mohammad Darwish (based in Doha) as key financial architects.
“They are the ones responsible for collecting donations from states like Turkey, Qatar and Iran — and ensuring that money makes its way into Gaza,” he said.
Getting money into the Strip has grown more difficult, especially with Israel’s control of the Philadelphi Route along the Egyptian border. But both analysts agree: Hamas still finds a way.
Ultimately, Hamas’s strategy now rests on outlasting the enemy. It is not about swift military victory but about eroding Israel’s stamina and global legitimacy.
“Hamas is betting on attrition,” Milshtein said. “They want to raise the cost — militarily, economically and politically — until Israel can no longer sustain the war. It’s a long game.”
Ataya sees this as the only viable option under current conditions. “There’s no political horizon. Ceasefire talks are stalled. In the absence of alternatives, Hamas is forced into a long-term war of exhaustion — one that chips away at Israel’s stability, image and sense of control.”
Despite being weakened, Hamas continues to function. Its ideology, social services and operational flexibility allow it to survive in a war zone most would find ungovernable.
They’re not strong, but they’re still standing
“They’re not strong,” Milshtein clarified. “But they’re still standing. And that alone tells us something about how deeply embedded they are in Gaza’s reality.”