Almost three weeks into the war between Israel and Hamas, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is coming under fire from within the country as criticism of him and his government mounts.
Netanyahu entered the war already scarred from a turbulent time in office when Israelis were fiercely divided on the contentious judicial reform his government set out to implement. While Israelis have set aside their differences and come together to face their enemy, the backing Netanyahu now relies on may last only during the war efforts. In the aftermath of one of Israel’s most difficult hours, some believe his days in office are numbered. Meanwhile, others say a successful outcome of the war could keep him in place.
There is no definitive answer at this point. Most people don’t think he stands a chance, but these are the reactions right now, in the heat of the moment.
“There is no definitive answer at this point,” Roni Rimon, a strategic adviser and partner at the public relations firm Rimon Cohen & Co., told The Media Line. “Most people don’t think he stands a chance, but these are the reactions right now, in the heat of the moment. Sometimes, as time passes, feelings soften.”
The criticism ranges from accusations that the government was too preoccupied to foresee the Hamas offensive to claims that Netanyahu appears detached from the events, unaware of the public need for a father figure in such testing times. In addition, the fact that thousands of Israeli civilians found themselves fighting Hamas terrorists for hours on their own, with limited means, until the army showed up, has undercut the sense of personal security in the country.
In a survey conducted by the Israel Democracy Institute earlier this week, Netanyahu and the government received the lowest ranking on their performance during the war. The Israeli premier received high marks from only 22% of those polled, with his coalition far behind at 14%.
Complaints of a slow governmental response to a rapidly unfolding crisis have filled news bulletins and social media. There was little praise for the government, as a widespread civil society effort stepped into the vacuum in a large show of public solidarity.
“There will be huge demonstrations after the war is over,” Rimon said. “It will include those who opposed him before and added audiences who will neither forgive nor forget what happened here.”
On Wednesday, Netanyahu gave a televised address, his fourth since the fighting began. After senior military and intelligence officers and cabinet ministers took responsibility for the failures that led up to the war, Netanyahu said, “Everyone will need to provide answers, me included, but all of this will happen only after the war.”
Polls conducted in recent days have shown that support for Netanyahu and his Likud party has plummeted. Public trust in the government is at an all-time low. Israelis are still grappling with the number of victims from Hamas’ terror attack, still burying the 1,400 dead, and hoping for the safe return of 224 hostages being held by Hamas.
Tens of thousands of Israelis have been displaced, finding themselves in temporary housing in hotels and guesthouses. Many of those who survived the massacre in southern Israel fled their homes with only their pajamas on them. They are now desperately in need of government support, which has been delayed.
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Over 300,000 reservists were called up for military duty hours after the Hamas offensive began. All eyes are now on Netanyahu and his government, waiting to see how they will steer the country back to safety.
Netanyahu himself said Israel was in the “midst of a campaign for [its] existence,” adding that his focus was “saving the country,” clearly outlining how he views this current war as an existential one. The stakes are high for both the country and his political survival.
While there are voices that say wartime is not the time to openly criticize the government, there are increasing voices of dissatisfaction. Israel is on the brink of further escalation, as it prepares for a ground offensive in the Gaza Strip with the threat of an added front on its northern borders, facing the armed, Iran-backed Shi’ite group Hizbullah. Many want politics to be set aside.
These voices only weaken the country. People need to let go of their hate for Netanyahu.
“These voices only weaken the country. People need to let go of their hate for Netanyahu,” Dr. Taly Mark, a doctor and a mother of five, told The Media Line. “Israel is in existential danger, and I am disgusted by every voice from within that tries to weaken us.”
Mark, who describes herself as a typical Israeli, is an avid supporter of Netanyahu and the Likud. She has several relatives, including her son, currently in the army.
“It is a miracle that Netanyahu is the one leading Israel today and not someone who believes in some fake coexistence with the Palestinians,” she said. “He is much more reliable than anyone else. There are times in a nation’s history when we must trust someone to do their best in order to keep us safe. From all the politicians, I trust that Netanyahu will be the one to save my family and the future of my grandchildren.”
Netanyahu’s interaction with the public since the fighting began has been limited. Journalists were not invited to his four addresses to ask questions; his office has released footage of him visiting army bases, and he has met with few of the mourning families. He also held one meeting with a handful of relatives of those abducted by Hamas.
“I think Netanyahu is mostly preoccupied with his political survival,” Binyamin Lashker, a former member of the Likud Central Committee, told The Media Line. “He still doesn’t get that it’s over for him. There is a feeling that he is the only one who still thinks he will remain in office once this is over,” added Lashker, who is now a member of a right-wing party that opposes the prime minister.
Netanyahu has been written off several times in recent years. However, despite being under trial on several corruption charges, losing an election in 2021, and with low approval ratings for almost a year now, his presence on the political scene is still strong as Israel’s longest-serving prime minister to date.
Netanyahu has a solid parliamentary majority of 64 members out of the 120 Knesset seats, 32 of them from his own party.
“Only members from within the Likud party can bring him down,” said Rimon. “Right now, we may be hearing voices of dissent, but in the end, many people will chicken out. What looks like a done deal today—that Netanyahu is essentially a dead man walking—might not be that certain.”
But now, with a massive number of casualties, which exceeds the number of Israelis killed in the five years of the Second Intifada, the Palestinian uprising between 2000 and 2005, Netanyahu is faced with perhaps his biggest challenge. His supporters, who have stood by him through his political struggles and brushed off allegations of wrongdoing and corruption, may no longer do so.
His majority is not disconnected from the people; they understand that the majority of the public is against them, and they do not want to commit political suicide with Netanyahu.
“His majority is not disconnected from the people; they understand that the majority of the public is against them, and they do not want to commit political suicide with Netanyahu,” Lashker said. “If they won’t do it, the enraged public will make sure Netanyahu is ousted from office.”
As the dust settles on the heinous Hamas attack, calls are increasing for a public inquiry committee that will investigate what led to one of Israel’s largest intelligence blunders. Israeli media reported that Netanyahu would prefer a government commission that would give him influence on its findings. Some of his political allies rushed to deny this.
“After this is over, it is clear that a very thorough investigation needs to be conducted,” said Mark. “I don’t know what the conclusions will be, but I will fight to expose the truth about how people were slaughtered here. I don’t know who will lead the country afterward, but there is an attempt to make Netanyahu a scapegoat, letting other people off the hook. Saying it’s just him is illogical, it’s blindness.”
Netanyahu, who led Israel successively from 2009 to 2021, with a brief pause until he resumed office at the end of 2022, was a major part of Israel’s policy toward Hamas. The Israeli leader aided the group, perpetuating the internal Palestinian rift between Hamas in Gaza and the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, reportedly saying that keeping Hamas in power in Gaza would prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state.
Hamas was treated as an asset that could keep Gaza quiet, as Israel conveniently ignored the gradual strengthening of the terrorist organization. It grew into a monstrous army. On October 7, that doctrine blew up in Israel’s face.
Now, Netanyahu has vowed to destroy Hamas, a very ambitious goal complicated by the presence of hostages in the Gaza Strip.
“As a rule, setting out overly ambitious goals is a mistake,” said Rimon. “It creates expectations that have little chance of being realized.”
If Netanyahu won’t deliver, he may have to clear the political stage, this time for good.