Jordan’s King Abdullah II is set to visit the White House later this month for a high-stakes meeting with US President Donald Trump, the Jordanian royal palace announced Sunday. This will be their first face-to-face discussion since Trump returned to office and revived a controversial idea: relocating Gazans outside their territory, a proposal that has been met with strong opposition from Jordan, Egypt, and other regional actors.
Jordan’s Firm Rejection of Gaza Resettlement
Trump recently revealed that he had spoken with Abdullah about the matter, urging Jordan to accept some of Gaza’s population. “I’d love you to take on more because I’m looking at the whole Gaza Strip right now, and it’s a mess,” he told reporters aboard Air Force One. He left open the question of whether such resettlement would be temporary or permanent, stating, “Could be either.”
Abdullah has strongly rejected the proposal, reiterating Jordan’s long-standing position that Palestinians must remain on their land and obtain their legitimate rights through a two-state solution. During a meeting with European officials in Brussels last week, the king emphasized that Jordan would not support any alternative homeland for Palestinians. Jordan’s Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi echoed this stance, as did foreign ministers from Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar during a recent meeting in Cairo. In a joint statement, they condemned any attempts to displace Palestinians, forcibly or otherwise.
Jordan’s Broader Geopolitical Challenges
This latest dispute comes as Jordan navigates a complex and evolving regional landscape. Long considered a stabilizing force in the Middle East, the Hashemite Kingdom now finds itself at the center of multiple crises, including shifting US policies, security threats at its borders, and growing domestic discontent over economic conditions.
This proposal has further intensified tensions, with critics condemning it as forced displacement. MENA political analyst Dr. Nicolai Due-Gundersen, author of Defending Dictatorships, told The Media Line that while Jordan has historically taken in refugees—including those from the 1948 and 1967 wars, the Gulf conflicts, and the Syrian civil war—it is now at a breaking point. “Jordan may not be willing to receive further refugees at a time when it is already stretched thin,” he said, citing economic difficulties and high youth unemployment.
Jordan may not be willing to receive further refugees at a time when it is already stretched thin
Jordanian political analyst Amer Sabaileh raised additional concerns, warning that an influx of refugees from Gaza could introduce security risks. “We have seen how radical groups can exploit refugee crises, and this is a scenario Jordan must be prepared to prevent,” he told The Media Line. He further warned that the pressure may not stop with Gaza. “Now Jordan is pressured into taking people from Gaza as a first wave. Later, the Trump administration may demand Jordan take in refugees from the West Bank as well. This is simply not manageable.”
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Now Jordan is pressured into taking people from Gaza as a first wave. Later, the Trump administration may demand Jordan take in refugees from the West Bank as well
The Case of Ahlam al-Tamimi
In a separate development, Hamas’ Al-Aqsa TV reported that Jordan had sought the deportation of Ahlam al-Tamimi, a Palestinian terrorist convicted for her role in the 2001 Sbarro pizzeria bombing in Jerusalem, which killed 16 people, including two US citizens. Tamimi has lived in Jordan since her 2011 release in a prisoner exchange. The United States has long sought her extradition and continues to offer a $5 million reward for information leading to her capture.
In 2022, Interpol dropped its warrant for Tamimi’s arrest, but US authorities still consider her a high-priority target. Jordan has not publicly commented on the report from Hamas’ media wing, and it remains unclear whether the government has taken formal steps to extradite her.
The Palestinian Identity Debate in Jordan
With nearly 2.2 million registered Palestinian refugees, Jordan holds the largest Palestinian population outside Palestine. The question of Palestinian identity has long shaped Jordan’s domestic politics, but some analysts believe the monarchy has over-prioritized Palestinian advocacy at the expense of national interests.
“Jordan made a huge mistake promoting itself as more Palestinian than the Palestinians,” Sabaileh argued, contending that this approach has led to resentment among Jordanian citizens. Due-Gundersen noted that Jordan’s support for Palestine plays a role in maintaining stability, but warned that agreeing to Trump’s plan could backfire, feeding into the argument that “Jordan is Palestine”—a narrative the monarchy vehemently opposes.
The king will likely not wish to fully freeze relations with Israel for security and intelligence reasons
At the same time, Abdullah must manage growing domestic frustrations over Israeli policies while maintaining Jordan’s security cooperation with Israel. “The king will likely not wish to fully freeze relations with Israel for security and intelligence reasons,” Due-Gundersen explained. However, this balancing act has sparked public protests, particularly among Jordan’s Palestinian population.
Security Threats at Jordan’s Borders
Beyond the political ramifications of the Gaza issue, Jordan faces ongoing security threats, particularly from narcotrafficking along its borders. The smuggling of Captagon, an amphetamine widely produced in Syria, has become a growing concern for Jordanian authorities.
“The network of Captagon and weapons smuggling was centralized under [Syrian President Bashar] Assad,” Due-Gundersen explained. “Weapons smuggling drew more on tribes and networks close to the Syria-Jordan border on both sides.” Jordanian security forces have intercepted nearly 17 million Captagon pills in 2023 alone, highlighting the scale of the problem.
Sabaileh emphasized the level of organization behind the drug trade. “It’s not drug trading, it’s narcotrafficking. When we talk about narcotrafficking, it’s more organized, more sophisticated with local partners. Nobody sends a huge amount of drugs to the borders if you don’t have a local dealer.”
Jordan’s Next Steps
As Jordan prepares for King Abdullah’s meeting with Trump, the stakes are high. Abdullah must navigate US pressure while safeguarding Jordan’s national interests and security. The rejection of forced Palestinian resettlement remains a cornerstone of Jordanian policy, but the kingdom’s broader geopolitical and domestic challenges require careful maneuvering.
Due-Gundersen predicted that Jordan will likely maintain its role as a buffer state while resisting the relocation of Gaza’s population. “While it may refuse to take in refugees from Gaza, it still hosts Syrian refugees, and with uncertainty remaining over Syria’s transition, it is possible that aid will continue to flow from various donors to Amman.”
Sabaileh, however, cautioned that Jordan cannot rely on external aid indefinitely. “Nobody wants to see Jordan collapse, but ultimately, its stability depends on the actions of its own leadership and people. Without proactive internal reforms and strategic decision-making, external support alone will not be enough to safeguard the country’s future.”
As Jordan charts its course in an increasingly unstable region, the coming weeks will test Abdullah’s leadership, diplomatic skills, and ability to balance competing domestic and international pressures.