Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Thursday that a 60-day ceasefire in Gaza could be within reach if Hamas agrees to disarm, stating Israel’s conditions during meetings in Washington with President Donald Trump’s team to push for a postwar plan that includes Palestinian resettlement.
Nearly 6,000 miles away, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el‑Sisi hosted Chinese Premier Li Qiang in Cairo to drum up support for an Arab-led reconstruction plan, signaling a strategic shift as Israel aligns more closely with the US and Egypt looks eastward.
The 1979 peace treaty between Israel and Egypt has been tested by the Gaza war, with Egyptian officials claiming they warned Israel before Hamas’s October 7 attack, a claim Israeli leaders deny. At the same time, Al‑Azhar, Egypt’s top Islamic authority, described the assault as legitimate “resistance,” citing attacks on Israeli civilians in Nir Oz and Kibbutz Be’eri.
Tensions grew when Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz announced plans to confine Gaza’s population to a “humanitarian city” in the south and transfer some civilians abroad, a plan legal experts said could constitute a war crime.
Mohamed Saad Khiralla, an exiled Egyptian analyst and member of PEN Sweden, told The Media Line that Egypt’s official cordial posture masks its internal tone.
At the official level, the Egyptian regime feigned cordiality with Israel. But since the war began, its media and institutions have consistently broadcast antagonism.
“At the official level, the Egyptian regime feigned cordiality with Israel. But since the war began, its media and institutions have consistently broadcast antagonism,” he said. “Now, Egyptians are openly debating the prospect of future confrontation, particularly as Cairo eyes new arms purchases from China, North Korea, and others and as military activity intensifies in the Sinai.”
Security expert Mohammed Ibrahim, based in Cairo and with ties to Israeli intelligence, argued Egypt is acting with restraint.
“Egypt rejects the displacement of people, supports ceasefires, and facilitates humanitarian access,” he said. “Its focus is on preserving national sovereignty and regional stability, not provoking conflict.” He noted that handing control of Gaza to the Palestinian Authority would require new administrative structures, trained security forces, and a total Israeli troop withdrawal.
Egyptian media have become more critical of Israel, intensifying public discourse. On June 30, i24NEWS commentator Zvi Yehezkeli declared Cairo had moved from a “cold peace” to a “cold war.” Reserve IDF Colonel Eli Dekel added that Egypt may be preparing for military confrontation in Sinai.
Right-wing Israeli voices accused Egypt of obstructing population transfer plans. Yehezkeli, who previously called for the deaths of up to 100,000 Gazans, drew condemnation in Cairo as incitement to genocide.
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The Gatestone Institute, based in New York, criticized Egypt in a report, saying its failure to stop weapons flowing into Gaza has made “a major base for Islamist terror,” threatening Israel and regional stability.
Israeli analysts are split. Yoni Ben Menachem of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs once called Egypt a rational and crucial mediator. Since early 2024, along with Dan Diker, he has warned that Egypt is an obstacle to the Netanyahu–Trump transfer plan, accusing it of undermining Arab‑US accords and seeking leverage.
Former Israeli Ambassador to Egypt Amira Oron, now a fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies, urged balance.
Egypt has made significant efforts to close many tunnels. This is well-known in Israel,” she told The Media Line. “According to my information, there were no open tunnels when the IDF arrived in the Philadelphi Corridor. But this must be thoroughly investigated through bilateral cooperation.” She added that Egyptian military activity near Gaza is cause for concern but emphasized Egypt’s role as a stabilizer under the peace treaty and security coordination.
Despite this, Egypt has shifted its strategic posture. In early 2025, the US offered a $7.5 billion military aid package tied to displaced Palestinian resettlement, a condition that el-Sisi’s government rejected.
The $7.5 billion is tempting, but we cannot auction off Egypt’s long‑term security to the highest bidder. Our military partnerships must serve Egyptian interests, not the agendas of external powers.
Mohamed El‑Seidy, an Egyptian commentator close to officials, stated, “The $7.5 billion is tempting, but we cannot auction off Egypt’s long‑term security to the highest bidder. Our military partnerships must serve Egyptian interests, not the agendas of external powers.”
Egypt has since diversified arms purchases with China and Russia, including missile defense systems and fighter jets, a move officials say reflects strategic autonomy despite risks.
Economic ties have become more complex. Israeli Energy Ministry data show gas shipments to Egypt resumed in February and peaked in early June, then paused in July due to Gaza fighting, but have restarted as ceasefire talks resume.
Some Egyptian officials view the pipeline as leverage. A senior defense procurement official said, “Israelis are playing games with Egypt’s economy to pressure the government to let more than a million Gazans into our territory, about the same number we’ve already taken in from the Sudan war over the past nine months.”
Last month, during the Israel‑Iran war, nearly 20,000 Israelis crossed into Sinai to flee missile strikes. Egyptian social media criticized the government for allowing Israeli transit while denying shelter to Gazans.
Cairo built a tent city near Rafah for displaced Palestinians but publicly rejected permanent resettlement, warning that taking in Gaza’s population, including fighters—could destabilize Egypt from within.
Egyptian and Qatari mediators lead current ceasefire talks in Doha along with US envoy Steve Witkoff. Progress has been slow, but Egypt remains central.
Cairo seeks a political solution that resolves the conflict without destabilizing the region
“Egypt’s rejection of forced resettlement is about sovereignty and security,” Ibrahim said. “Cairo seeks a political solution that resolves the conflict without destabilizing the region.”
Amira Oron added, “The triangle of Jerusalem, Cairo, and Washington is vital. Egypt wants to be seen as a guarantor of stability, but will not sacrifice its sovereignty to satisfy Israeli domestic politics.”