Israel Says It Won’t ‘Dance to Hamas’ Tune’ as Palestinians Demand Ceasefire, Reconstruction and Recognition
Talks in Cairo and Doha revive hopes for a ceasefire but the proposal reflects hardened positions, with Israel prioritizing hostages and security control and Palestinians emphasizing political unity and international recognition
A new ceasefire proposal between Israel and Hamas, now under discussion in Cairo and Doha, is drawing attention for its resemblance to the so-called Witkoff plan floated earlier this year.
Both US and Qatari officials have suggested the latest initiative is “almost identical” to that earlier framework, yet the months-long deadlock over hostages, prisoners, and Gaza’s future governance continues to block progress.
The Witkoff plan, named after American mediator Steve Witkoff, envisioned a phased release of Israeli hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners, a temporary halt in fighting, expanded humanitarian aid, and talks on Gaza’s long-term governance. It also proposed partial redeployment of Israeli forces to buffer zones, stopping short of a full withdrawal.
Israel entered negotiations after Hamas’ October 7 assault, which killed some 1,200 people in Israel and saw more than 250 hostages seized, including women, children, and elderly civilians. Israeli officials argue that any deal must be judged in that light, emphasizing Hamas’ responsibility for the war’s continuation.
The original framework, although never implemented, was considered the most detailed ceasefire blueprint since the war began. It collapsed in the spring amid mutual recriminations—Israel said Hamas added new demands, while Hamas accused Israel of negotiating in bad faith.
The current proposal closely mirrors that model but with tweaks. Observers question whether these adjustments will suffice to break the impasse—Hamas has reportedly accepted the plan—or whether entrenched political and military stances will continue to stall progress.
From Israel’s perspective, Hamas’ acceptance does little to ease fears that the group could exploit a lull in fighting to rebuild tunnels, restock weapons, and resume rocket fire.
Dr. Gershon Baskin, Middle East director for the International Communities Organization and co-director of the Alliance for Two States, described the revisions during an interview with The Media Line: “The two main differences are the number of Palestinian prisoners that Israel will have to release, with the new proposal being fewer than in the original. And the second difference is about redeployment: … [Israel would retreat] about one kilometer deep inside Gaza.”
Baskin noted uncertainty over whether this perimeter would cover the whole border or only limited areas such as the Philadelphi corridor or Rafah crossing. Hamas has demanded Rafah be opened for transit—something Israel would allow only under international supervision. Israeli officials counter that such mechanisms have failed before, pointing to the collapse of the 2005 Rafah agreement, and accuse Hamas of using border openings to smuggle arms.
Though the structure remains similar—staged hostage returns, prisoner swaps, humanitarian access—Israel’s central concern is the lack of guarantees that Hamas will not regroup.
We’re no longer pursuing any partial deal. We’re no longer going to dance to Hamas’ tune.
David Mencer, spokesman for the Prime Minister’s Office’s public diplomacy directorate, told The Media Line: “The government is interested in a full deal that releases every one of the hostages. We’re no longer pursuing any partial deal. We’re no longer going to dance to Hamas’ tune.”
They use the hostages only as a tool, like a weapon. That is why we should be very suspicious about the current positive answer of Hamas.
Likud Member of Knesset Amit Halevi added that Hamas’ acceptance of the plan is “a dirty game.” He said: “They use the hostages only as a tool, like a weapon. That is why we should be very suspicious about the current positive answer of Hamas.”
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Both versions of the plan involve highly uneven exchanges. According to Baskin, Israel would release roughly 200 Palestinian prisoners—all of them serving life sentences or long terms for killing or attacking Israelis—in return for 10 living hostages. For the remains of 18 or 19 hostages, Israel would hand over the bodies of 180 or 190 Palestinians. “It’s pretty gruesome,” he remarked. He added that Israel also appears willing to free more than a thousand Gazan detainees, calling it “no big deal” given how many are already in custody.
The deal also envisions 600 humanitarian trucks a day carrying food, fuel, and medicine. Hamas insists that aid be distributed by international organizations rather than the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation.
We support the immediate cessation of hostilities, as Israel’s military campaign is nothing short of an attempt to eradicate Palestinian identity and existence
From the Palestinian side, Dr. Sabri Saidam, deputy secretary general of Fatah’s Central Committee, said the issue is less about numbers than political meaning. “We support the immediate cessation of hostilities, as Israel’s military campaign is nothing short of an attempt to eradicate Palestinian identity and existence,” he told The Media Line.
He emphasized that reconstruction, the return of Palestinian Authority administration to Gaza, and a comprehensive resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict “in line with international resolutions” are the only way forward. He also urged international recognition of Palestine not be delayed, warning this could give Israeli ministers room to block future statehood.
Halevi dismissed that view, saying Hamas itself controls the pace and terms of negotiations. “The fact that Hamas actually controls the dynamic of the negotiation and the dynamic of the war is a horrible situation,” he said.
The August proposal has been presented as a partial 60-day arrangement. Baskin said Hamas initially resisted, preferring a comprehensive deal to end the war and release all hostages within days, but accepted the framework under pressure from Egypt, Qatar, and the US.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, meanwhile, has insisted publicly on a “full deal.” Baskin called this misleading, saying Netanyahu only wants such a deal “after Hamas surrenders. And Hamas is never going to surrender.”
Mencer reiterated Israel’s stance: “There is simply no justification whatsoever for Hamas holding onto our people. Zero. It is outrageous—a crime against humanity to hold these people—and there is no reason why they should not be released right now.” Israel has emphasized that the continued holding of hostages, many of them civilians, violates international humanitarian law and constitutes a war crime under the Geneva Conventions.
Halevi said Israel’s cabinet has shifted its war aims toward firmer control of Gaza: “The cabinet decided that the target of the war should be total security control of Israel over Gaza. That is a game-changer.”
Israeli officials insist that reconstruction without disarming Hamas would enable the group to reconstitute its military wing, as happened after previous wars in Gaza. Halevi also criticized the US-backed approach, saying: “The problem with the American approach, like Witkoff’s, is that they do not understand the Middle East and the radical Islamic way of thinking. Hamas looks at Witkoff as a useful guy to keep negotiations alive. They are laughing at us.”
International pressure remains contested. Baskin argued that beyond rhetoric, little has been done to constrain Israel’s actions. “Israel can do what it wants. The only one right now who could stop Israel is President Trump. Our history in this conflict shows that Israel basically has impunity to do whatever it wants, but we need to follow international law,” he said.
Hamas needs to be destroyed and the hostages need to come home
US President Donald Trump recently reaffirmed that Hamas must be dismantled, writing on social media: “Hamas needs to be destroyed and the hostages need to come home.”
Mencer dismissed suggestions of friction with Washington. “The president and the prime minister are working extremely closely together. There’s never been a closer relationship between them,” he said.
Saidam called for a stronger international stance. “The role of the international community cannot be limited to condemnation alone. There must be a proactive stance, including a total halt to the provision of arms to Israel,” he noted.
Looking beyond the ceasefire, Saidam urged Palestinian political consolidation. “Achieving Palestinian national unity is essential, in accordance with previously agreed understandings. Adherence to the Palestine Liberation Organization and its international commitments remains the cornerstone of our struggle,” he said.
Only after we change our leaderships in Israel and in Palestine—we have to get rid of the triangle of Netanyahu, Abbas, and Hamas to move on
Baskin, meanwhile, maintained that real progress will require a generational change of leadership. “Only after we change our leaderships in Israel and in Palestine—we have to get rid of the triangle of Netanyahu, Abbas, and Hamas to move on,” he said.
He added that Hamas should present a credible package if it hopes to alter international perceptions. “What Hamas needs to do is present a comprehensive proposal for ending the war. That proposal should include the release of all 50 hostages within 24 to 48 hours, Israeli forces redeploying outside Gaza with an agreed security perimeter, and Rafah placed under an international inspection mechanism like the 2005 agreement. The US may back this plan,” he said.
“Hamas should also commit to no longer governing Gaza and instead accept a civilian technocratic administration. But the future governance of Gaza still looks unclear, since Gazans will never fully accept Fatah’s rule, but Hamas is not trusted either right now,” he concluded.
The Israeli government has repeatedly stressed that no agreement will be accepted without the unconditional release of all hostages and the dismantling of Hamas’ military infrastructure.
There can be no illusions—Israel will not agree to any arrangement that allows Hamas to survive as an armed power
Israel Katz, the Israeli defense minister, said: “There can be no illusions—Israel will not agree to any arrangement that allows Hamas to survive as an armed power. Our responsibility is to bring every hostage home and ensure that Gaza never again serves as a launching pad for terror against our people.”
Felice Friedson and Gabriel Colodro contributed to this report.
