Is There Another Way With Israel?
Asharq Al-Awsat, London, January 29
One might argue that one of the unforeseen benefits of the Al-Aqsa Flood operation was that it threw into question the notion of relying solely on force to resolve the conflict. Neither the numerous wars nor the various forms of resistance have effectively achieved their goals. It is now more crucial than ever to voice certain truths, even if they may seem harsh, accusatory, or unsettling to those accustomed to familiar narratives and sentiments.
The immense Palestinian suffering must not continue unchecked, nor should the hardships of the Lebanese and other populations burdened by the exploitation of their cause. The situation under Trump’s leadership has only worsened, increasing the likelihood of disasters, displacement, and even acts of genocide.
We must acknowledge that bridging the gaps that disadvantage us—Israel’s international relationships with influential world powers, its technical advancements, nuclear capabilities, and its political and social structure, which can navigate internal contradictions even amidst war—will be impossible, both in the near and distant future. Furthermore, our societies have no desire for conflicts whose primary function has diverged from serving Palestinian interests.
Take Syria, for example, a nation once championing warfare and rhetorical grandstanding, now distancing itself as both people and government from such ideologies. This is not to suggest that Israel poses no problem—certainly not. But it does imply the need for alternative strategies to address the issue that do not resort to violence or endanger peace.
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History offers insights into major conflicts, providing potential pathways to exit the war mindset and perhaps even influence Israel towards moderation, rekindling the diminished moderate forces weakened by the pervasive culture of violence and militarization. This approach could reinvigorate the possibility of a two-state solution, a prospect that once rallied over two-thirds of Israeli society during the Oslo Accords.
France and Germany’s historical trajectory offers a pertinent illustration; after facing each other in wars, including the Franco-Prussian war of 1870 where Germany’s victory led to the humiliation of France and the inception of German unity, and during World War I, which saw Germany’s defeat and the articulation of the Versailles Treaty’s severe terms—cited as a factor in the rise of Nazism. Yet, after World War II, despite the shame of occupation, France and Europe, under leaders like François Mitterrand, embraced German unification within a European framework, laying the foundations for the Maastricht Treaty and the introduction of the euro.
Similarly, the chronicles of conflict between Japan and Korea, with the former’s occupation of the latter from 1910 to 1945, saw unimaginable atrocities. Despite longstanding grievances, only 20 years post-occupation did relations normalize, although challenges remain, particularly over reparations. Nevertheless, trade and partnerships in the economic, military, and security sectors endure.
The Anglo-Irish discord, dating back to the mid-17th century with Cromwell’s Protestant conquest and subsequent settlements, eventually transitioned from a violent independence war (1919–21) to the 1998 Northern Ireland settlement that balanced power to appease both Catholics and Protestants, maintaining their respective affiliations.
India’s partition from Pakistan in 1947 led to catastrophic civil strife, displacing millions and claiming countless lives. The subsequent Indo-Pakistani wars highlight ongoing disputes, most prominently over Kashmir. Yet, diplomatic dialogues and trade interactions persist, emphasizing attempts at conciliation.
The Arab-Israeli conflicts are neither unique nor the most egregious examples of war. Perhaps the solution lies in emulating European strategies akin to Mitterrand’s vision, where the European Union served to contain and mitigate perceived threats from future German aggression.
Hazem Saghieh (translated by Asaf Zilberfarb)
