Toward Ongoing Stability in Syria
Al-Ittihad, UAE, May 8
Since the fall of the Assad regime, Syria has experienced intermittent bouts of instability—an unsurprising outcome, given the tangled legacy left behind by decades of authoritarian rule and the devastating consequences of a protracted civil war. The new authorities have faced deep skepticism over their ability to resolve these inherited crises, especially given their ideological roots and prior conduct, which have raised concerns about their capacity to govern a society as demographically complex and diverse as Syria’s.
Nonetheless, the official rhetoric of the new leadership has projected a tone of reassurance, signaling what appears to be a sincere effort to guide Syria toward a more stable, equitable future. This narrative of transition, grounded in promises of justice and equality, may partly explain the swift diplomatic acceptance of the new government by both Arab and international actors. Yet the optimism remains tempered by a key omission: the lack of genuine power-sharing or representation of Syria’s diversity, a shortcoming plainly evident in the 2025 interim constitution.
Even more troubling is the conduct of certain factions that were instrumental in toppling the previous regime. These groups, now operating with apparent impunity, have engaged in actions that sharply contradict the conciliatory and inclusive discourse espoused by the current leadership. Targeted abuses against specific communities have triggered outrage at home and abroad. While the new government has acknowledged these violations, going so far as to establish a committee of inquiry, no conclusive findings have emerged.
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Compounding the concern, these abuses have continued, with documented evidence circulating widely in the form of video footage. In response, some domestic and sympathetic media outlets have pointed fingers at remnants of the old regime, certain societal groups, and even foreign actors, blaming them for these destabilizing behaviors.
These explanations are not entirely without merit. It is plausible that loyalists to the former regime, many of whom enjoyed privileges under its rule, are actively working to sabotage the new order. Similarly, some segments of Syrian society may naturally resist the direction of the new leadership, and foreign interference remains an undeniable reality. However, it would be a grave mistake to believe these factors alone account for the troubling developments on the ground.
The unchecked actions of certain factions within the post-Assad coalition urgently require regulation that aligns with the official political narrative of unity and reform. If left unaddressed, these breaches risk expanding into a chasm that could threaten Syria’s fragile cohesion. This danger is especially acute as foreign powers, under the guise of protecting minorities, most of whom do not seek such protection, may find justification for deeper intervention. Syria must act decisively to confront these challenges, not only to preserve national unity but also to deny external actors the opportunity to exploit the country’s internal tensions. At the same time, the Arab states that extended early support to the new Syrian leadership must assume a constructive role in helping the country break free from this destructive cycle. Their engagement must be wise, principled, and rooted in the shared goal of regional stability.
Despite the gravity of the situation, there remains hope. There are forces within Syria’s evolving political landscape that possess both the vision and credibility to lead the country toward a safer, more inclusive future.
Ahmed Youssef Ahmed (translated by Asaf Zilberfarb)