We Must Support the People of Syria in Building Their Democracy
Asharq Al-Awsat, London, December 19
The downfall of the totalitarian Baath regime in Syria should be welcomed as positive news for both the region and the world, much like the collapse of the oppressive Baath regime in Iraq. However, caution is necessary; while the perpetuation of tyrants in power is undoubtedly tragic, their overthrow can also lead to disaster if the new circumstances are not managed wisely, avoiding both internal reprisals and external interference. For over five decades, the Assad regime has inflicted immense suffering upon the Syrian populace. Evidence of massacres, the use of internationally prohibited weapons, brutal methods of execution, and infamous detention centers has come to light through eyewitness accounts, prison footage, and official state documents. This regime has also disrupted regional stability. Its meddling in Lebanon, particularly its involvement in the assassinations of Lebanese leaders and figures, including Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, brought calamity to a nation renowned for its coexistence and cultural richness. Moreover, it undermined Iraq’s stability by facilitating the training and entry of jihadist terrorist networks post-2003—when Iraq urgently required support, not hostility. The disintegration of this regime should be lauded as a triumph for freedom and justice and mark the commencement of the Syrian people’s liberation from severe injustices. Nonetheless, despite the judicious remarks of Joint Operations Commander Ahmed al-Sharaa, there remains cause for concern as armed groups linked to al-Qaida and ISIS occupy significant portions of Syrian territory. The rise of armed jihadist factions is the last thing the Middle East needs. Unlike Afghanistan, this region is more interconnected with the global community and holds greater strategic significance. The international community must act resolutely, not only to counter the potential terrorist threat but also to assist the Syrian people in moving beyond tyranny and realizing their aspirations through the establishment of a democratic civilian government. Such a government should reflect the Syrian people’s will and represent all ethnic and religious communities, including Sunnis, Alawites, Kurds, Christians, Druze, and other groups. An inclusive civilian framework is essential not only for Syria but also for securing peace throughout the region. Syria’s future is crucial not only for its own citizens but also for its neighboring countries. Lebanon urgently needs to regain its democratic civil state and experience stability and peace following years of conflict and war. Simultaneously, Iraq stands at a crossroads amidst these significant regional transformations. Iraq must be attentive to developments in Syria and support its Syrian counterparts in establishing security and stability. However, addressing internal structural issues and fortifying the domestic front against the resurgence of extremism and sectarian division is imperative. Such divisions have inflicted great suffering on Iraqis in recent years. The milestones achieved following the fall of Iraq’s authoritarian Baathist regime in 2003—such as the adoption of a constitution, the peaceful transition of power, and signs of reconstruction and economic growth—cannot be ignored. However, structural challenges persist, including a weakened state apparatus, pervasive corruption, and the capacity of armed groups to usurp state funds and influence decisions, which poses an existential threat to the Iraqi state itself. Iraq must also redefine its relationships with its neighbors, emphasizing sovereign state principles and state-to-state relations founded on shared interests while rejecting interference in domestic affairs. Iraq must not serve as a base for any faction hostile to its neighbors. Allowing external forces to dominate Iraqi national decision-making undermines sovereignty and fuels instability in the region. The authority of the sovereign state must be reinforced, as Iraq’s stability does not tolerate external control and infringement upon its sovereignty. History has shown that Iraq will not succumb to foreign dominance. The statement from the religious authority in Najaf, which underscored state authority, the monopolization of arms, and the fight against corruption, was a decisive declaration at a critical moment, mirroring Najaf’s enduring commitment to responsibility and the Iraqi interest. As previously stated, a genuine national dialogue among Iraqis is urgently needed to identify governance flaws and formulate an effective participatory civil democratic system that establishes sovereignty, regulates the use of arms, and enables good governance to combat rampant corruption and deliver essential services to citizens. Iraq’s ability to act independently and foster peaceful relations with its neighbors, including its Arab counterparts, Iran, and Turkey, will determine its role as a pivotal entity in the Middle East. Enhanced sovereignty and political stability could transform Iraq into a bridge connecting Middle Eastern nations. Iraq has the potential to be the cornerstone of a new regional order centered on stability, economic integration, and collaboration rather than conflict. Resolving the Kurdish issue remains vital. Kurds have been denied political and cultural rights for decades and addressing these grievances and recognizing the Kurds’ rights as an indigenous people must become a priority. In Syria, this means guaranteeing Kurdish rights in any political settlement, establishing the principle of partnership, and abolishing the discriminatory policies of the Baath era. In Iraq, the federal government and the Kurdistan Regional Government must structurally reassess their relationship and address recurring disputes over resources, land, governance, and power. The challenges are daunting, but so too are the opportunities. The Middle East stands at a critical juncture, and decisions made now will shape the region’s trajectory for decades. Supporting the Syrian people’s fight for democracy, rehabilitating Lebanon, and reforming Iraq’s political structure are strategic imperatives beyond mere moral obligations. This region has endured difficult circumstances and destructive wars due to authoritarian regimes, violence, oppression, and the erosion of state authority by illegitimate armed groups, which have led the region into perilous ventures. It’s time for this region to stabilize. Such stability depends on legitimate governance derived from popular consent, focusing on economic growth, job creation for youth, and eradicating terrorism and extremism. If others have succeeded in altering their historical pathways, as seen in Europe and Asia, nothing prevents this region from following suit. Otherwise, this and future generations will remain captive to trivial disputes over marginal concerns while the world moves forward with progress and social development. Regional leaders and people must achieve these goals. However, the international community must also play its part in supporting the realignment towards democratic and civil values, peace, coexistence, and the rejection of aggression. This includes meaningful reform in Iraq that ensures coexistence not only within Iraq but across the region. The international community should actively offer diplomatic, economic, and security support for regional stability. Ultimately, though, the responsibility lies with the region’s leaders and citizens. Achieving a cooperative and inclusive Middle East is within reach—provided there is the will to make it happen. —Barham Salih, former president of Iraq (translated by Asaf Zilberfarb)
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