We Need a National Unity Government To Survive
Maariv, Israel, August 4
In six months, with the inauguration of a new president in the White House, Israel’s global position is likely to deteriorate. The near-automatic backing—which entails large-scale, complimentary supplies of weapons and ammunition; political support that blocks adverse decisions in the UN Security Council; and moral support influencing most European leaders—will no longer be as it has been. Both the incoming US administration and European leaders will increasingly be swayed by anti-Israel sentiments in their countries. Israel must establish a new strategic framework while it still has the current backing of the Biden administration. It faces a challenging decision between two fundamentally different paths: achieving a regional military victory or pursuing regional peace. The first option is underpinned by the persistent rejection of Israel as a legitimate state and the willingness to combat and destroy it, which is deeply ingrained in the beliefs and actions of a significant portion of Palestinians. Additionally, a hostile ring has formed around Israel, consisting of militarized groups like Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Shia militias in Iraq and Syria, with Iran, vocal in its determination to annihilate Israel, standing behind them and building the necessary capabilities. The move to neutralize these threats is legitimate, but to be effective, it must involve strikes against Iranian nuclear facilities, missile launch sites, and oil installations, with preparation for an Iranian counterstrike and extensive missile attacks by Hezbollah. This strategy would necessitate a ground offensive aimed at weakening Hezbollah. Concurrently, it would require engagements against the Houthis and pro-Iranian militias. This complex conflict demands thorough risk assessment, home front preparation, US support, and careful avoidance of being provoked by potential disasters caused by Hezbollah, targeted assassinations, or other aggressive responses. Targeted eliminations should be integrated into the broader strategic plan. Peace with Egypt has endured for 45 years, with Jordan for 30 years, while the Abraham Accords have held for four years, with the prospect of a Saudi agreement in the background. The Palestinian Authority, though fragile, survives under the principles of the Oslo Accords established more than 30 years ago, and its security forces do what they can to prevent the establishment and spread of terrorist organizations. This past year, Israeli Arabs have faced a challenging test of identity, and aside from a few isolated incidents of support for Hamas and attempted attacks, the vast majority have sided with Israel, with thousands openly demonstrating this allegiance by serving in the Israel Defense Forces. Based on these realities, an option exists to cease hostilities in Gaza, including a withdrawal, in exchange for the release of hostages. Following this, arrangements can be made to replace the Hamas administration and rehabilitate the Gaza Strip, contingent on an end to hostilities in the North. Engaging in the so-called Saudi deal would require initial, gradual, and conditional steps toward the establishment of a Palestinian state. The current government lacks the capacity to make decisions of this magnitude. Only a broad emergency government can appropriately gauge the risks of entering a military campaign and prepare for it with public and US support. Similarly, only a broad emergency government, free of extremists, can choose to cease hostilities and withdraw from Gaza without insisting on so-called complete victory, but with public support, assurances from major powers, the de-escalation and demilitarization in Gaza, the restoration of the Palestinian Authority, and progress towards a Saudi deal on the way to a comprehensive regional settlement. Now is the time for our political leaders to step up and unite. —Mishka Ben-David (translated by Asaf Zilberfarb)
This holiday season, give to:
Truth and understanding
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