Israel’s Government Battered by Infighting but Not Seriously Threatened

The cohesiveness of Israel's most right-wing government ever was an illusion, and there is growing internal dissatisfaction among the coalition partners, experts say

Just two months after being sworn in, there is infighting among the coalition partners in Israel’s new government, as lawmakers openly voice their disappointment and frustration with Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu.

The government, Israel’s most right-wing ever, was supposed to work as a cohesive unit. Led by Netanyahu, the coalition is made up of the ultra-nationalist Religious Zionism party, the far-right Jewish Power Party, the conservative Noam party, and two ultra-Orthodox Jewish parties.

Yet, weeks after taking power, it has become increasingly apparent that there is growing internal dissatisfaction.

“The cohesiveness was an illusion,” according to Dr. Mouli Bentman, from the Department of Public Policy at Sapir College. “The parties do not really share the same agenda. Other than the judicial reform – which they all agree on each for their own reasons, on issues of finance, foreign policy, and the conflict with the Palestinians there is one path to collision.”

On Wednesday, the Israel Border Police uprooted a Jewish-owned vineyard and olive trees in the Shiloh Valley in the West Bank. For Jewish settlers and their supporters, the scenes were hard to watch.

“This is not what we prayed for,” said a somber-looking National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir in a video he posted hours after the demolition. Ben-Gvir is one of the far-right members of the government and the head of the Jewish Power party. One of his promises during the campaign was that such scenes of uprooting and destruction in the West Bank would not take place under the new government.

The parties do not really share the same agenda. Other than the judicial reform – which they all agree on each for their own reasons, on issues of finance, foreign policy and the conflict with the Palestinians there is one path to collision.

The disappointment also comes on the heels of a security escalation that has Ben-Gvir and other members of the government unhappy with Israeli response to the tensions. In addition, the continued delay of the evacuation of Bedouin village Khan al-Ahmar in the West Bank, together with the procrastination in the demolition of homes in Arab neighborhoods of east Jerusalem also is dampening the atmosphere within the coalition.

“A fully right-wing government is not supposed to refrain from demolishing Khan Al-Ahmar due to diplomatic considerations or avoid touching buildings in east Jerusalem because of this or that policy consideration. A fully right-wing government cannot be a government that is only strong against Jews,” Ben-Gvir added.

Netanyahu, a seasoned politician and statesman, knew from the start that he would have to tread carefully between his internal political obligations and the watchful eye of the international community.

“He is in a serious dilemma,” said Professor Shmuel Sandler of the Department of Political Studies at Bar-Ilan University. “The threat to his coalition is real and there are a lot of contradicting interests between the members of the coalition and the defense and foreign policy of Israel.”

Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, chairman of the Religious Zionism party, tweeted an outcry against the action and said his party joined the government “precisely in order to stop the long-standing persecution and … discriminatory insolence against the settlers.” Smotrich criticized Netanyahu for ‘dragging his feet” in transferring the authority of the Civil Administration governing body that operates in the West Bank over to him from the Defense Ministry.

The administration, in charge of all civil aspects of life for Palestinians and Israelis in the West Bank, has been a part of the Defense Ministry since it was created.

As part of the coalition agreement between Netanyahu’s Likud party and the Religious Zionism party, Smotrich was put in charge of the Civil Administration. It was a move that drew public criticism, including from defense officials who said the military must remain in charge of all aspects of life in the West Bank. In addition to being in charge of the finance portfolio, Smotrich also was designated a minister in the defense ministry, a rare move, putting him on a collision course with Defense Minister Yoav Gallant from Netanyahu’s Likud party.

Israel captured the West Bank territories during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Since then, Israel has settled the area with Jewish settlements. The Palestinians say this policy is creating facts on the ground on territories that they see as part of their future state. The international community views Israeli settlements as illegal. Smotrich, Ben-Gvir and other members of the new coalition want to annex the territories to Israel and solidify an Israeli presence there.

In addition to the very public displays of dismay by Smotrich, Ben-Gvir and others, media reports have surfaced in recent weeks about increased tensions within the government.

“This is all fake news,” said Yishai Fleisher, international spokesperson for the Jewish Community of Hebron and an adviser to Ben-Gvir. “There might be dissatisfaction. But the coalition will not dissolve.”

The threat to his coalition is real and there are a lot of contradicting interests between the members of the coalition and the defense and foreign policy of Israel

When the election results became apparent and the majority for a right-wing government became clear, it was surprising that coalition negotiations lasted for weeks. The agreements between the Likud and the parties further to the right were very detailed in an attempt by the parties to secure the guarantees Netanyahu gave to his new partners.

“In such a homogenous government, we would have expected differently,” said Sandler. “But Ben-Gvir and Smotrich expected this, as Netanyahu is also known as someone who doesn’t keep his promises and now these contracts are being tested.”

“This government was formed based on very clear guidelines,” said Fleisher. “There are agreements, there is political will and the end results should be very clear. But once in a while, there are events that are not in line with the understandings.”

“It is like a marriage. There are plenty of steps forward and, once in a while, a few steps back, but the direction is progress,” he added.

Unlike a marriage in which divorce is an option, it appears neither side has the option of leaving the government. At least not now.

“Neither side will want to dismantle the partnership right now, as they need time to show they accomplished something before heading to elections,” said Bentman. “They want to be able to gain strength in a future election.”

Before the government was sworn in, Netanyahu promised Israeli allies abroad, including the White House, that he would rein in extremist elements in his coalition. And it looks like he is doing just that. He could pay a political price for this, as his partners have threatened to leave the coalition.

Netanyahu has assured Smotrich that the transfer of authority would be taken care of immediately, according to Israeli media reports, as the Israeli premier is perhaps beginning to feel the heat from his partners.

Meanwhile, as tensions between Israelis and Palestinians mount, there also is criticism among the extreme right-wing elements that Netanyahu’s response is not harsh enough. Since the inception of the government, 11 Israelis have been killed by Palestinians in several incidents in east Jerusalem. Ben-Gvir reportedly ordered a massive police operation in that part of the city and was stopped by Netanyahu.

“For Ben-Gvir, being a member of the coalition is a trap,” Bentman explained. “He needs to show results and rhetoric is not enough. There are no magical solutions. He will try and continue to be an opposition within the coalition, maintaining a militant discourse with limited results.”

“He will then claim that he was limited by the government,” Bentman added.

It is like a marriage. There are plenty of steps forward and, once in a while, a few steps back, but the direction is progress.

It is too soon to tell whether the crisis is real or just in the headlines. Netanyahu is known as a political mastermind, sometimes referred to as “the magician” who is often at least a step ahead of his rivals. At age 73 and entangled in a corruption trial, Netanyahu may be losing his touch, some believe.

“It is difficult to determine whether Netanyahu is being very sophisticated here or he has lost control,” said Bentman. “He knew there would be friction and perhaps he wanted to position himself as the moderate element in the government that leads to compromises.”

For Netanyahu, the alternatives to the current government are almost non-existent. Previous partners from more moderate, center-right parties have either been scarred by his broken promises or rule him out for being on trial.

“This time around, he has no credible threat,” said Sandler. “In the past, he has proven to be a very skillful politician. There is no doubt that his legal situation limits him greatly and takes away the flexibility he once had.”

One policy matter that all members of the coalition are united on is the sweeping judicial reforms. Faced with vociferous opposition, Netanyahu and his partners are displaying a united front. His partners have also backed him unequivocally as he stands trial.

Another law passed on Wednesday allows the state to strip Israeli citizenship or permanent residency from Arabs convicted of acts of terrorism against Israelis who receive stipends from the Palestinian Authority, referred to as pay for slay, allowing for their deportation.

“Without the reform, none of what we want to achieve will be possible,” said Fleisher, who expects the government to be stable.

Neither side will want to dismantle the partnership right now, as they need time to show they accomplished something before heading to elections

The Israeli premier faces momentous challenges ahead. With an economy riddled by inflation and a looming threat from Iran, he will need the international community to be on Israel’s side.

“He will give his partners as much as he can until he will not be able to in terms of foreign policy,” said Sandler. “This is something Netanyahu is very sensitive to.”

The week in which the ultra-nationalist elements of the government are voicing their discontent with Netanyahu is also the week in which the government approved the construction of thousands of new housing units in the West Bank and announced plans to retroactively legalize several outposts. The announcement drew international criticism.

“This government is a right-wing, nationalist government that will promote the rights of the people of Israel in Israel,” said Fleisher. “If there are people in the world waiting for this government to collapse, they will be waiting for a very long time.”