NGO Report Exposes Corruption Within President Abbas’ Inner Circle, Prompting PA Backlash
Lack of oversight is contributing to rampant corruption, according to analysts
Two top officials at the Coalition for Accountability and Integrity (AMAN) were summoned for interrogation by the Palestinian Authority prosecutor’s office on claims of slander and defamation after publishing a report that named officials close to PA President Mahmoud Abbas of suspected involvement in financial corruption.
Palestinians protested in Ramallah in solidarity with the two prominent anti-corruption activists. Azmi Shuaibi and Isam Haj-Hussein are the heads of AMAN, a Palestinian NGO established in 2000 that “seeks to combat corruption and promote integrity, transparency, and accountability in Palestinian society.”
The NGO’s report, published last May 17 and titled “The Reality of Integrity and Anti-Corruption in Palestine 2022,” exposed the involvement of the office of Palestinian Authority President Abbas in a corruption case concerning dates produced in West Bank settlements.
We are very much concerned by this criminal persecution of a Palestinian NGO based on their professional work. We think this is a dangerous move by the president’s office.
Ammar Al-Dwaik, director general of the Independent Commission for Human Rights, told The Media Line that the complaint and subsequent interrogation are “unprecedented.”
“We are very much concerned by this criminal persecution of a Palestinian NGO based on their professional work. We think this is a dangerous move by the president’s office,” Dwaik said. “It sends a message to Palestinian NGOs and civil society, particularly those who work in the field of oversight and monitoring of the work of the PA.”
Dwaik added that this is a “scare tactic” by the president’s office to the Palestinian civil society organizations, “that your work is not welcomed, that you should be careful what you monitor, that you should be careful what you say and what you do. You need to censure yourself before you publish any reports about the PA.”
AMAN’s report revealed interference from the office of President Abbas in corruption cases being handled by the Anti-Corruption Commission, with top officials dealing with them outside the framework of the law.
This included the case of businessman Abd Al-Malik Jaber, who has been implicated in the case of corruption surrounding settlement-produced dates. He accused the officials of blackmailing him into giving up property and land in favor of a company registered in the name of a PA security personnel, one of whom is an escort in the president’s office. Mr. Jaber denied the accusations to The Media Line.
According to AMAN co-head Shuaibi, the accusations against Jaber were because of disagreements between the businessman and the PA and are related to his relationship with the dismissed Fatah leader Muhammad Dahlan. It was an opportunity to settle scores with him, he claims.
The pursuit of the case of money laundering regarding settlement dates has [been ongoing] for more than three years, but in 2022 it took a different turn. Instead of referring the implicated individuals to the courts, it seems to be more settling of scores, since the assets of one of the major investors in the dates and marketing sector were seized. The dates case has turned from a legal pursuit into blackmail … to seize the property by some senior [Palestinian] officials.
The AMAN report found several complaints made against Palestinian businessmen dealing with dates produced in Israeli settlements in the West Bank that were repackaged and marketed as Palestinian produce. The report implied that top PA officials were trying to cover up their actions.
“The pursuit of the case of money laundering regarding settlement dates has [been ongoing] for more than three years, but in 2022 it took a different turn,” Shuaibi said at a press conference introducing the report. “Instead of referring the implicated individuals to the courts, it seems to be more settling of scores, since the assets of one of the major investors in the dates and marketing sector were seized. The dates case has turned from a legal pursuit into blackmail … to seize the property by some senior [Palestinian] officials.”
Shuaibi says that businessmen are forced to give up some or all their properties and pass them to “normal” citizens through blackmail at the hands of top Abbas’ aids.
The AMAN report explains that the whole process is done in the presence of lawyers to give it legal cover.
“Ordinary people want to take land and a business worth tens of millions, and through negotiations in the presence of an official and lawyers on behalf of the accused,” he continued. “This is a person who has a case—let him be referred to court. Why are they negotiating with him to give up his property in exchange for resolving the matter?”
One of the two people mentioned in the report is Intisar Abu Amara, the highly influential chief of the Palestinian Presidency Office, Abbas’ secretary and keeper of secrets. Her husband held several top positions, mainly within the PA Foreign Ministry, and her daughter Mona Abuamara was appointed ambassador to Canada.
She has a significant say in many PA policy decisions.
Shuaibi said the person who filed the complaint against them was Abu Amara, adding that the reason for the complaint was Abu Amara’s “animosity toward AMAN” after the latter published objections to Abu Amara’s successive promotions without legal support.
Several Palestinian officials have accused the PA of “unlimited corruption,” saying the tight circle around the president is benefiting greatly from it and no one can stop them.
The other person mentioned in the AMAN report is Ali Mahana, who was recently appointed the head of the Constitutional Court.
It would have been more appropriate for the PA to conduct a real independent investigation if these facts and data were mentioned by AMAN, which enjoys great credibility with civil society and the government itself
Majed Al-Arouri, the executive director of the National Commission for the Independence of the Judiciary and the Rule of Law, told The Media Line that AMAN’s report is “highly accurate and based on information,” and “proves widespread institutional corruption.”
“It would have been more appropriate for the PA to conduct a real independent investigation if these facts and data were mentioned by AMAN, which enjoys great credibility with civil society and the government itself,” he said.
The Palestinian NGOs Network, which includes more than 140 institutions, condemned the PA for interrogating the two anti-corruption activists.
“Unfortunately, the PA set out to defend itself by launching a counterattack against AMAN. This strong and unprecedented attack against civil society institutions, through which the PA wants to convey a message that we have succeeded in silencing all the voices that would monitor or criticize the performance of the various officials by the PA,” Al-Arouri said.
“This step will make all institutions feel that they have been confronted with force, violence, and repression as a result of professional opinions and reports, which will lead to them fearing in the future that their reports will be published, and their ability to work and the workspace of civil organizations and civil institutions will be narrow and very difficult,” he continued.
Ammar Dwaik told The Media Line that preceding the interrogation, AMAN warned of attempts by the PA to restrict the ability of civil society organizations to issue objective reports.
Reports like AMAN’s continue to fuel belief among Palestinians and international groups that corruption is widespread within Palestinian institutions. Accusations of mismanagement against the PA persist, including nepotism, favoritism, authoritarianism, abuse of power, bribery, and money laundering.
Several top Palestinian officials have been appointed to their posts for years, without any reviews or evaluation, other than giving absolute loyalty to Abbas. Others have their children appointed to top positions within the PA, including in embassies throughout the world.
An example of PA mismanagement that caused fury among Palestinians, was a desperately needed specialized Khaled Al-Hassan Cancer Hospital slated to be built near Ramallah. Businessmen, philanthropists, and the public donated millions of dollars to build it, but the site of the proposed hospital has now become a privately owned shopping center, and the proposed hospital is being built elsewhere, according to the PA.
The PA Health Ministry announced last January that the project had been frozen due to a lack of funds.
“We started with the first phase but didn’t have enough donations to cover the construction cost of $160 million,” Prime Minister Mohammed Shtayyeh said days later, adding that the donations allocated for the hospital have been placed in a separate bank account. The PA, however, has given no proof that the money has been kept in a bank.
With foreign donations declining and Israeli financial restrictions, these are tough times for most Palestinian civil servants, who have for years been receiving 80% of their salaries.
The executive branch rules with an iron fist and has a monopoly on government and influential posts. Senior Palestinian Authority officials receive many benefits like high salaries with cars and allowances, the ability to travel to Israel’s airport, and permits to build homes on subsidized land.
Abbas was elected to his post in 2005, and his term ended in 2009. The last presidential elections were held in 2005, while legislative elections were last held in 2006.
President Abbas officially dissolved the parliament in 2018. Meanwhile, the executive branch continues to restrict the work of civil society institutions in the West Bank, pressuring, harassing, and intimidating them to prevent them from carrying out their work in exposing corruption. This, many observers say, is the reason why corruption is rampant.
According to Al-Arouri, the PA has “succeeded in silencing the voice of the Palestinian Legislative Council by refraining from holding presidential and legislative elections, and thus it lost its oversight and accountability role.”
“In the absence of the Palestinian parliament, civil society plays an important role and fills the gap of oversight. Taking action against NGOs makes it virtually impossible to make any kind of oversight over the PA, which creates a state of complete absence of accountability to the work of the Palestinian Authority,” Dwaik said.
Civil and charitable institutions are the only institutions in which elections are held according to internal law. If this is not done, the financial and banking authorization is terminated, and they become unable to work.
“Civil and charitable institutions are the only institutions in which elections are held according to internal law. If this is not done, the financial and banking authorization is terminated, and they become unable to work,” Al-Arouri said. “Meanwhile, the Authority rejects elections. Since 2006 and 2005, to this day, no legislative or presidential elections have been held.”
Most Palestinians believe that corruption in PA institutions is rampant, according to a public opinion poll published last March. According to the latest survey by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, the perception of corruption in PA institutions stands at 82%.
President Abbas’s popularity continues to slide, as the Palestinian public has been growing more dissatisfied with the 88-year-old leader. The level of satisfaction with his performance stands at 19% and dissatisfaction at 77%.
The Palestinian public has been growing more dissatisfied in general with its government. Protests erupted against PA corruption and authoritarianism in 2021 after the beating of outspoken political activist Nizar Banat by PA security forces led to his death.
Most Palestinians are afraid to speak out for fear of retribution, without any meaningful recourse from the judicial system.
Al-Arouri says that this goes against the establishment of the judiciary, which was formed “to protect rights, to protect freedoms, to protect the right to freedom of expression, to protect the margins of work of civil society institutions.” Instead, taking activists to court and charging them has become a favorite weapon for the PA, and it knows these cases will take years in the court system.
“We monitored cases and wrote reports in the past, and it became clear to us that the calls for referral to the courts are very arbitrary. This has become a punishment, and we have monitored cases that have been going on for more than six years against activists,” Al-Arouri said.
Our corruption does not exist in the lower ranks, nor among the junior officials. It is present in the upper echelons of power. They reach for the money that belongs to the citizens.
One of those leading activists is Omar Assaf, a former teacher who now devotes his time to fighting corruption and demanding political reform.
“I am being treated as an outlaw,” Assaf said. There is a blacklist for the official media not to deal with me. I can’t appear on Palestine TV. I was arrested and assaulted in front of my sons, daughters, and grandchildren. And I’m not the only case.”
Assaf told The Media Lie that “whenever we [activists] hear of public money or resources, we automatically think there is corruption involved.”
“Corruption has turned into a method or institution that exists at a high level within the official ruling system,” he went on. “Our corruption does not exist in the lower ranks, nor among the junior officials. It is present in the upper echelons of power. They reach for the money that belongs to the citizens.”
The main challenge remains the lack of political will to fight corruption, says Assaf.
Many of the PA’s critics say its leadership fears the opposition and any voice raised against it, explaining why it goes after journalists who report unfavorable reports.
“The absence of the Legislative Council, the absence of popular accountability, and a popular movement are what drives these people to corruption,” Assaf asserted.
Shuaibi says that the PA has been taking steps to consolidate its power leading to a rise in lack of transparency and accountability in its public dealings. Dwaik concurs.
“Over the years, the president has concentrated enormous power in his hands,” he said. “He is the chief executive, he is also the legislature, and he has strong leverage over the judiciary, particularly over the constitutional court and the administrative courts which are supposed to review the decision by the government.”
“We see an increasing tendency of shrinking space for civil society and public freedoms in general. The problem we are now seeing is not a police state—we are seeing a failed police state, which is more dangerous than a police state,” Dwaik continued.
He says the PA should rethink its positions on many issues if it wants to regain domestic and international trust.
“It is damaging to the image of the PA, when the Palestinian Authority is in dire need of international support and they need to send a message of combating corruption, supporting public freedoms, and democracy,” Dwaik said.
The PA now is expected by the international community to take serious steps toward reform. I think this latest development sends a message in the opposite direction—that the PA seems that it’s not fighting corruption and it is fighting those who fight corruption.
“The PA now is expected by the international community to take serious steps toward reform,” Dwaik added. “I think this latest development sends a message in the opposite direction—that the PA seems that it’s not fighting corruption and it is fighting those who fight corruption.”
“There is an attempt to silence and weaken these voices, especially since they enjoy sympathy, backing, support, and credibility with the international community. The PA is sensitive to the impact of these voices on the international community, more than the local reaction,” Al-Arouri added.
The Media Line reached out to the Palestinian President’s Office, the Attorney General’s Office, and Palestinian Anti-Corruption Commission, but all declined to speak on the matter.
