‘No More Excuses’: Trump’s Ultimatum to Hamas Forces Netanyahu To Choose a Path
Relatives and supporters of Israeli hostages held in Gaza since the Oct. 7, 2023 attacks, block Ayalon Highway in Tel Aviv during a protest calling for the release of all hostages, on Feb, 13, 2025. (JACK GUEZ/AFP via Getty Images)

‘No More Excuses’: Trump’s Ultimatum to Hamas Forces Netanyahu To Choose a Path

Trump’s removal of previous US-imposed restrictions puts the onus on Netanyahu to determine Israel’s next steps in Gaza

Tensions are rising as a weekend deadline set by US President Donald Trump for the release of Israeli hostages approaches. President Trump shocked the world by demanding that Hamas release all remaining hostages it has held since October 7, 2023, warning that he would “let hell break out” if this is not done by noon on Saturday.

The American leader also stunned Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, putting him in a tricky position.

Netanyahu is facing a crossroads in his relationship with Trump

“Netanyahu is facing a crossroads in his relationship with Trump,” Shmuel Rosner, an expert on US-Israel relations and senior fellow at the Jewish People Policy Institute, told The Media Line. “Trump has essentially given Israel the license to do whatever it wants and has removed all of the restrictions that were placed on it by the previous administration.”

Trump has essentially given Israel the license to do whatever it wants and has removed all of the restrictions that were placed on it by the previous administration

“Israel is now in the unusual position of having to decide for itself what it truly wants,” Rosner continued. “It can no longer point to American limitations as an excuse for not taking action, as has happened frequently in the past.”

Netanyahu now faces a major dilemma. He could follow through on President Trump’s ultimatum and resume full-scale military operations against Hamas, which have been largely paused since a phased ceasefire and prisoner-release deal was implemented a month ago. Alternatively, he could push to complete the existing agreement, which is scheduled to conclude on March 1. Under this deal, Hamas is expected to release a total of 33 Israeli hostages in increments. In exchange, Israel would free approximately 2,000 Palestinian prisoners, increase humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip, allow Palestinian civilians to return to their homes in northern Gaza, and withdraw from most of the enclave.

Both sides have accused each other of violating the terms of the ceasefire. President Trump’s criticism of the phased nature of the agreement, along with his call for the complete evacuation of Palestinians from Gaza, has further angered Hamas and added strain to the fragile truce.

Israeli media reported Thursday that Israeli officials sent signals to Hamas that if it released three hostages on Saturday, Israel would continue to abide by the ceasefire agreement. Hamas reportedly agreed to resume the deal, but Netanyahu’s office has denied these reports, calling them “unfounded, fake news.”

If Netanyahu adheres to the agreement rather than the US president’s demand, it remains unclear how the US president will respond. Since taking office last month, President Trump has repeatedly made overtures to Netanyahu, vowing to remove all restrictions imposed by former President Joe Biden. He swiftly reversed Biden-era arms embargoes and shipment delays, reinforcing his commitment to supporting Israel’s military operations.

The American president’s threat to “let hell break out” presents a double-edged sword for Netanyahu. The Israeli leader, who heads a coalition dominated by ultranationalist factions, has often cited White House constraints to justify his reluctance to implement far-right policies. Now, with those constraints removed, he must chart his own course.

“Whatever Netanyahu decides, he will have to face his political partners and explain what he believes is the right course of action for Israel’s interests,” Rosner said.

President Trump’s firm political backing in the US, where Republicans control both houses of Congress and have a growing hold on the Supreme Court, further complicates Netanyahu’s situation. In the past, Netanyahu leveraged his close ties with Republican lawmakers to counterbalance Democratic presidents. That option is no longer viable.

Trump is not only far more popular in Israel than his predecessor, but he might also be more popular than Netanyahu himself

“This option is off the table with Trump,” said Udi Sommer, an expert in US politics and a political science professor at Tel Aviv University. “Trump is not only far more popular in Israel than his predecessor, but he might also be more popular than Netanyahu himself.”

During Biden’s presidency, Netanyahu’s clashes with Washington often boosted his standing among his right-wing base, which saw him as a defender of Israeli sovereignty. That strategy is ineffective against the current US president, whose administration is more aligned with Netanyahu’s political allies than former President Biden’s was.

“Netanyahu cannot use such moves against Trump,” said Sommer. “The political constellation of the government institutions in Washington, coupled with the domestic political constellation in Israel, Netanyahu is in a completely different position than what he was with Biden.”

The war began on October 7, 2023, when Hamas launched a large-scale attack on Israel, killing approximately 1,200 people and wounding thousands. The group also took around 250 hostages. A temporary truce in November saw more than 100 hostages released. Some bodies of hostages have since been recovered, while only a few have been rescued alive. Currently, 76 Israelis remain in captivity, with 21 released as part of the most recent agreement. Many of the remaining hostages are believed to be dead.

According to the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry, more than 47,000 Palestinians have been killed in Israel’s subsequent military campaign. The United Nations estimates that nearly 90% of Gaza’s population has been displaced, with entire neighborhoods reduced to rubble by Israeli airstrikes.

Then-President Biden visited Israel days after the October 7 attack to reaffirm US support. Throughout the final year of his administration, President Biden largely backed Israel but also imposed limits. The White House delayed weapons shipments and increasingly criticized Israeli military tactics, causing tensions between the two governments and straining the historically strong US-Israel alliance.

Former Secretary of State Antony Blinken made frequent visits to Israel during the war. Both President Biden and Blinken participated in Israeli war cabinet meetings, a move that some viewed as a breach of Israeli sovereignty and others saw as a sign of close cooperation.

“One of the main concerns from the start of the war was Israel’s ability to make independent decisions,” Sommer explained. “A telling indicator of this is that relatives of the hostages have lobbied in Washington rather than in Jerusalem. This reflects a belief that the US plays a decisive role in Israeli military decisions.”

“Cooperation between allies is a good thing,” Sommer added. “But in this relationship, there is a feeling that critical parts of the decision-making process that are supposed to completely independent and made by a sovereign nation have been compromised.”

Netanyahu already faced opposition from within his government over the ceasefire agreement. Critics argued that releasing Palestinian prisoners convicted of terrorism was dangerous. Others opposed Israeli withdrawals from Gaza, fearing they would end the war prematurely. To placate his coalition partners, Netanyahu vowed that Israel would resume its offensive and never fully withdraw from the Gaza Strip.

Israel’s right-wing bloc has embraced the US president’s hard-line stance, particularly his calls for the removal of Gaza’s Palestinian population. The Trump administration has also courted Netanyahu’s far-right allies. Last month, White House Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff met with Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who had been shunned by the Biden administration. Smotrich has since invited US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent to visit Israel.

Netanyahu became the first Israeli leader to visit the returning US president in the White House last week.

“Trump and his advisers understand Israeli politics well,” Sommer said. “To secure the hostages’ release and end the war, they know they must keep Netanyahu and Smotrich close.”

Smotrich and other far-right leaders are urging Netanyahu to capitalize on President Trump’s ultimatum and launch an all-out offensive against Hamas, establishing Israeli military rule in Gaza.

All eyes are now on the weekend’s developments.

President Trump’s definition of “hell” remains deliberately vague, leaving room for interpretation and giving Netanyahu flexibility in deciding how to respond. While the decision is a difficult one, Netanyahu now has more operational freedom than he did under the Biden administration.

“For Israel, it is clearly more comfortable now that it has greater freedom of action,” Rosner said. “But sometimes, Netanyahu finds it useful to say he wants to act but can’t because of the president. It allows him to shift responsibility while doing what he thinks is best.”

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