‘They Don’t Care’: Egypt Struggles To Influence Hamas’ Younger Generation, Political Leader El Sadat Tells TML
In an exclusive interview at EIPC 2025 in Paris, Reform and Development Party chief Anwar E. El Sadat offered a stark view of Cairo’s Gaza policy—marked by quiet tensions, strategic restraint, and deep mistrust toward Hamas
Anwar E. El Sadat—chair of the Committee of Civil and Political Rights at Egypt’s National Council for Human Rights, president of the liberal, centrist Reform and Development Party, and nephew of the late President Anwar Sadat—sat down with The Media Line in Paris after speaking on a high-stakes panel at the 2025 International Policy Conference (EIPC), hosted by ELNET, the European Leadership Network. The panel was titled “The Day After: Building a Comprehensive Recovery Plan for Gaza and Beyond.”
Joining him on the panel were Massimo Khairallah of the Med-Or Foundation and Ambassador Joshua Zarka, Israel’s ambassador to France and former deputy director general for strategic affairs at the Foreign Ministry. Although the discussion was conducted with diplomatic courtesy, Zarka appeared visibly uneasy as El Sadat aired Egypt’s grievances toward Israel and its complicated but vital relationship with Hamas.
Turning to the domestic scene, El Sadat defended President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi’s restrained response to the war in Gaza, despite widespread anger among Egyptians over the humanitarian crisis unfolding there.
“El-Sisi was under severe pressure from public opinion, from the Nasserists, from the leftists … but I think he was wise,” he noted.
While public calls to expel the Israeli ambassador or recall Egypt’s envoy from Tel Aviv were growing louder, el-Sisi chose a quieter path—avoiding direct confrontation while maintaining lines of communication with both sides.
That policy, however, has not prevented friction between Cairo and Jerusalem. El Sadat pointed to recent Israeli military operations—namely, the seizure of the Philadelphi Corridor and the closure of the Rafah crossing—as deeply problematic.
“Israel has not been helping,” he said bluntly. The moves bypassed Cairo entirely and, in his words, “cornered” the Egyptian leadership.
While he acknowledged that Israel may have valid security concerns, such as the smuggling of weapons through the corridor, El Sadat warned that unilateral actions like these “violate the security annexes of the Camp David Accords” and damage Egypt’s credibility in the region.
Asked about allegations that Egypt had allowed weapons and construction materials to flow into Gaza for Hamas’ military infrastructure, El Sadat neither confirmed nor denied them, but made clear that the issue had deeply embarrassed the Egyptian leadership.
“Israel believes that this Philadelphia Corridor was somehow a passage where Hamas was smuggling weapons, and their leaders might find a way out,” he said. “So this was very embarrassing—to Egypt, to the army, and to el-Sisi. Everyone was telling him, now you keep saying that the Philadelphi Corridor is a red line, and then [Israel] just took it.”
Despite these tensions, El Sadat emphasized that Egypt continues to play an important role in mediation efforts, especially in coordination with Qatar.
“We are trying to mediate, and we have somehow successfully been playing a very good role in the release of hostages,” he said.
He noted that while Qatar holds greater leverage over Hamas due to its longstanding financial and political support, Egypt remains a critical intermediary because of its geography and political stature.
Egypt managed to come to an agreement with the leaders of Hamas that your time is over. … You have to somehow surrender.
“Together with the Qataris, because the Qataris, as you know, are somehow influential with Hamas, because they were actually financing them, supporting them, and hosting their political leaders back in Doha.”
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Turning to Egypt’s dealings with Hamas, El Sadat said Cairo had reached some understanding with the group’s older leadership—but not with its younger, more radical base.
“Egypt managed to come to an agreement with the leaders of Hamas that your time is over. No one is willing to deal with you. You have to somehow surrender in a way. And the leaders agree. They understand this,” he stated.
But he cautioned that Hamas is no longer a unified organization.
The problem is those who are in Gaza, the young generation. They cannot convince them. They cannot control them.
“The problem is those who are in Gaza, the young generation. They cannot convince them. They cannot control them. … They have been through hell. So they don’t care.”
Pressed further, El Sadat characterized the Egypt-Hamas dynamic in striking terms.
“The relationship between Egypt and Hamas is hate and love. Hamas needs Egypt, but Egypt, we don’t trust them, and they don’t trust us, too.”
He said this mutual distrust is rooted in years of failed coordination and manipulation, and that divisions within Hamas are no longer just generational or political.
This is an internal problem … Hamas and Hamas. New generations and old generations. This is the real problem.
“This is an internal problem … Hamas and Hamas. New generations and old generations. This is the real problem.”
When asked whether Egypt might host exiled Hamas leaders as part of a negotiated settlement, El Sadat did not dismiss the possibility—but was clearly reluctant.
“Not necessarily, but we will find a way. We are under pressure. We have enough troubles. … Sudan, Libya, and our economic problems, too.”
He also pointed to wider regional instability and its economic consequences for Egypt, particularly from Houthi attacks on Red Sea shipping.
“Almost $5 billion [has been] lost already,” he said. “The Houthis haven’t helped.”
As for Egypt taking part in any future governance of Gaza, El Sadat was unequivocal.
“Egypt is not interested,” he said. “It has to be within the Palestinians themselves.”
He allowed that a multinational framework could be considered—“maybe if they say Arab troops or international or UN”—but ruled out any direct Egyptian military or political involvement.
The interview also touched on broader shifts in regional power. El Sadat said Egypt’s influence in the Arab world is no longer what it once was.
“The Saudis believe that Egypt is now in intensive care … so it’s our time,” he said with a trace of irony. “Historically, if any American president would come to the area, the first stop would be Egypt. Not anymore.”
He was similarly dismissive of proposals by US President Donald Trump to transform Gaza into a “Middle Eastern Singapore.”
“It will not work. This is not something logical,” he said. “But we are used to this—Trump always starts very high, and then slowly he comes down.”
Still, El Sadat believes that the destruction and trauma following October 7 present a rare, if fleeting, diplomatic opportunity.
“This is an opportunity … although it has been very harmful for them, what happened on the 7th of October. They should sit at the table and negotiate—whether a two-state solution, one-state solution, whatever. But let’s talk to the Palestinians,” he said, quickly adding: “I don’t mean Hamas. Forget about Hamas.”
For him, the distinction is crucial.
“Let’s talk to Palestinians—whether from the West Bank, Palestinians from outside, whoever. All the Arab countries are willing to support this and to try to find a way, a solution.”
He concluded with a warning about the rapidly shrinking prospects for Palestinian statehood.
“Honestly, today, if you would like to make a Palestinian state, there is no land left. There is nothing. … I cannot imagine how you can make a Palestinian state of what is left.”
For El Sadat, the window for diplomacy is closing fast.
“If Netanyahu and the government are smart enough, then they should think … this is a chance. If he doesn’t grab it, then we will keep on fighting forever.”
