Trump’s Middle East Return Draws Pushback in Israeli Political Arena
One Israeli lawmaker tells The Media Line that Trump’s Gulf tour represents a serious breakdown in US-Israel relations, while another says that all the US needs to do for Israel is “not get in our way”
Leading up to President Donald Trump’s visit to the Gulf this week, analysts debated whether the president would push for a normalization deal between Israel and Saudi Arabia—or whether he might unilaterally declare US recognition of a Palestinian state. In the end, Israelis’ fears that the US would recognize Palestine didn’t come to pass, but many are still left with a bad taste in their mouth as President Trump continues his Middle East tour.
During his nearly 50-minute speech in Riyadh, the president hailed Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman as a “great man.” He urged the Saudis to begin “a new chapter” with Israel, framing Saudi recognition of the Jewish state as a gesture that would bring him great honor. Yet Israel was neither represented nor referenced in any tangible diplomatic move.
That dynamic is concerning to Israelis, especially amid a series of US deals being brokered without Israeli involvement—a deal with Yemen’s Houthis that didn’t demand the group stop striking Israel, negotiations with Hamas that led to the release of the last living US citizen in Gaza, and ongoing talks with Iran, Israel’s archenemy.
“We thought this was going to be the most pro-Israel administration ever,” Israeli lawmaker Moshe Tur-Paz of the opposition party Yesh Atid told The Media Line. “Trump appointed people who genuinely love Israel. Not just shared interests—but actual ideological support. And still, here we are: six months in, and we’re watching the Americans strike deals over our heads.”
Trump is heading toward an agreement in Gaza—potentially without Israeli consent, He skipped Israel entirely.
According to Tur-Paz, what’s unfolding is not just a diplomatic snub but a structural breakdown. “Trump is heading toward an agreement in Gaza—potentially without Israeli consent,” he said. “He skipped Israel entirely.”
He attributed the rift to a falling out between President Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu or to a US sense that far-right members in the Israeli government have made the country an unreliable actor.
“This whole illusion the right was selling—that Netanyahu and Trump were inseparable allies—is crumbling,” Tur-Paz said. “If Trump had told the Saudis, ‘normalization only with Israel,’ we’d be there right now. The fact that we’re not means something is broken.”
I have no expectations from the United States to fight our wars or defend us. Their interests are not our interests. The only thing I expect is that they don’t interfere with our victory. That’s it. Don’t get in our way.
For coalition lawmaker Zvi Sukkot of the far right Religious Zionism party, this critique is misplaced. “I have no expectations from the United States to fight our wars or defend us,” he told The Media Line. “Their interests are not our interests. The only thing I expect is that they don’t interfere with our victory. That’s it. Don’t get in our way.”
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Sukkot rejected the classic formula of “land for peace” and instead endorsed Trump’s apparent pivot toward normalization on Israel’s terms. “Peace for peace—that’s something we can accept. If Saudi Arabia wants to move forward with Israel, we’re ready. But we won’t sacrifice one inch of our national interests,” he said.
What began as a suggestive mention in President Trump’s Riyadh speech became a diplomatic bombshell the following day, when the American president met publicly with Syria’s new President, Ahmed al-Sharaa—formerly known as Abu Mohammad al-Golani, the former commander of the Islamist Al-Nusra Front. It was the first formal contact between a sitting US president and a man once designated by US intelligence as an Islamist terrorist.
We’re watching a new world order being drawn—and Israel isn’t holding the pen. To see the US lifting sanctions and engaging with al-Golani while sidelining us should concern every Israeli.
Tur-Paz called the move “surreal.” “We’re watching a new world order being drawn—and Israel isn’t holding the pen,” he said. “To see the US lifting sanctions and engaging with al-Golani while sidelining us should concern every Israeli.”
Sukkot similarly said that Israel should be “extremely cautious” about al-Sharaa. “Al-Golani was a jihadist. A terrorist. He has a dark past,” he said. “So far, his actions have shown he’s still behaving like a dictator.”
The meeting between al-Sharaa and President Trump was joined virtually by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
Many Israelis are wary regarding the cooperation between Erdoğan and al-Sharaa. “Erdoğan is an enemy of Israel,” Sukkot said. “He supports everyone who wants to erase us. We’re not afraid of him—but he should pay a price.”
Tur-Paz advocated a more pragmatic stance. “We must avoid pushing Turkey into full hostility. It’s a NATO country and an economic partner. If regional calm is restored—especially in Gaza—it may help dial down the rhetoric, even from Ankara,” he said.
The US president’s regional pivot has reignited tensions inside Israel’s own political system. The release of Israeli-American soldier Edan Alexander was widely welcomed within Israel—but it was also a reminder of Washington’s ability to maneuver without involving Jerusalem directly.
“It’s not shameful that the US is stronger than us,” Sukkot remarked. “They’re a superpower. We’re a young country surrounded by enemies. But we must not fool ourselves: no one will save us but ourselves.”
For Tur-Paz, President Trump’s Middle East visit highlighted the tenuousness of Netanyahu’s position. The role of ultra-Orthodox parties in the coalition contributes to Netanyahu’s shaky leadership, Tur-Paz said.
“They gave nothing to the war effort. Not even a symbolic contribution. If they had drafted 10,000 yeshiva students, Netanyahu could’ve stabilized his government,” he said. “But he didn’t ask—and they didn’t offer.”
Asked whether Yesh Atid would join a new coalition under Netanyahu to secure a hostage deal, Tur-Paz left the door open. He noted that opposition leader Yair Lapid of Yesh Atid offered to join the government in place of far right ministers Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich in an effort to reach a hostage deal. “Netanyahu never responded,” Tur-Paz said. “But if it helps bring the hostages home—if it stops the war—we would give him a safety net.”
Still, he warned, “Netanyahu today is a man driven by survival, not the national interest. And that’s obvious to everyone, even abroad.”
Many critics of Netanyahu have similarly suggested he is dragging out the war in order to stay in power. Sukkot, though, insisted that ending the war now would be premature.
We are on a ship headed toward victory,” he said. “If we let go of the wheel and steer toward surrender—we abandon ship right then and there.
We are on a ship headed toward victory. If we let go of the wheel and steer toward surrender—we abandon ship right then and there.
He rejected any attempt to negotiate with Hamas. “This isn’t a disagreement over borders or the length of a ceasefire. This is about the very principle of victory. If Hamas survives, we’ve lost. That cannot happen,” he said.
