‘You Don’t Dismantle a Government in Wartime’—But Netanyahu’s Coalition Might
As Israel remains locked in a multifront war, both the ruling coalition and the opposition are preparing for a possible government collapse—not over hostages or Hamas, but over the explosive revival of the ultra-Orthodox draft law
The halls of the Knesset in Jerusalem are filled with tension. In off-the-record chats, press interactions, and urgent hallway briefings, lawmakers from both sides of the aisle acknowledged what only weeks ago still seemed unlikely: that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition could collapse imminently, triggered not by the hostage crisis, the war in Gaza, or economic turmoil, but by a long-festering question—who serves in the army, and who doesn’t.
The political escalation was accelerated by a leaked recording broadcast by Israel’s Channel 13. In the audio, Prime Minister Netanyahu is heard telling senior ultra-Orthodox Rabbi Moshe Hillel Hirsch that he fired Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and military Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi because they were “enormous obstacles” to advancing legislation that would exempt ultra-Orthodox men from mandatory military service. The statement was not made in public, nor during a campaign—it was shared in a private setting, with a religious leader, and framed in almost existential terms. Netanyahu is heard insisting that he had to “save not only the state of Israel but also the world of Torah,” suggesting that protecting the exemption for those enrolled in yeshivas, or religious study halls, was a moral priority.
The political repercussions came quickly. To critics, the recording offered rare confirmation that coalition interests—particularly those of ultra-Orthodox parties—have continued to steer sensitive defense decisions, even under wartime conditions.
“They only care about coalition survival,” opposition MK Ram Ben Barak of Yesh Atid, who previously served as deputy director of the Mossad, told The Media Line. “You heard it with your own ears—Netanyahu removed Gallant not because of any security failure, but because he didn’t help pass a law that would protect yeshiva students from serving.”
Ben Barak didn’t stop there. He described the government’s priorities as not just misguided, but dangerously self-serving. “This government should have fallen right after October 7,” he said. “The failure happened on their watch. If it falls now over a moral issue like draft equality, so be it. Better now than never.”
The current controversy centers around Amendment 26 to the Defense Service Law, originally crafted under the Bennett-Lapid government to create a phased integration of ultra-Orthodox youth into the Israeli military. Though the bill passed a preliminary reading in 2022, it stalled after the government collapsed. Netanyahu revived it in May 2024 following a Supreme Court decision that barred funding for yeshivas whose students evade conscription. Yet the revived bill was rejected by ultra-Orthodox parties, who are now demanding even broader exemptions and immunity from enforcement.
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In April, the ultra-Orthodox United Torah Judaism party declared a “parliamentary rebellion,” halting cooperation on all coalition votes until their demands were met. By May, the party was openly threatening to bring down the government if a new exemption bill wasn’t passed. These threats, now backed by the political leverage of critical coalition seats, have become the central drama of Israeli politics.
Likud MK Amit Halevi, speaking with The Media Line from his Knesset office, expressed concern over the growing instability but urged restraint. “We are in a multifront war. You don’t dismantle a government in wartime,” he said. “If elections were held now, the damage to the state of Israel would be enormous. Hamas would be rubbing its hands in satisfaction.”
Halevi rejected the notion that the differences on the draft bill were insuperable. “The actual value of the draft law is not that all yeshiva students will suddenly enlist. That won’t happen,” he said. “The value is in generating a new dynamic—creating a norm, even in the ultra-Orthodox world, where military service becomes a legitimate path for those not fully immersed in Torah study.”
Still, the gap between vision and reality remains wide. For Ben Barak, the entire premise of differentiated service is unacceptable. “There is already a mandatory draft law in Israel. It should apply to everyone. There’s no reason to create a separate law for one sector or another,” he said. “Let the yeshiva heads choose, say, 8% of their top students to be exempt. The rest must serve. And if they don’t? Then no travel abroad, no driver’s license, no public funding. They’ll have no choice.”
Beyond the ideological divide, both politicians recognize the legal constraints imposed by Israel’s judiciary. The Supreme Court, which has repeatedly ruled that blanket exemptions from mandatory service violate constitutional equality, will almost certainly strike down any law that does not include meaningful ultra-Orthodox enlistment.
“The court will strike down any law that isn’t equal,” Ben Barak said. “It struck down our bill when we were in government. It’ll strike down theirs too, unless it truly brings the ultra-Orthodox Into the IDF.”
Halevi, for his part, emphasized that sanctions must be applied equitably. “I support sanctions—but they must be fair. What about the 13% of Israelis who are neither Arab nor ultra-Orthodox and still don’t serve? Sanctions must apply to everyone. Those who serve should get more, those who don’t should pay more. That’s legitimate,” he said.
Despite these philosophical clashes, both lawmakers seem to understand that the issue cannot be resolved by force alone. Cultural transformation, Halevi suggested, is a slow process that depends not only on policy, but on visibility and legitimacy. “When a good, God-fearing young man walks through his neighborhood in uniform, and people see that he serves, it begins to change the culture,” he said.
Yet for Ben Barak, the current coalition has no moral authority to lead that change. “They’re so corrupt they would sell their own mothers to stay in power,” he said bluntly. “I don’t know what tricks they’ll pull to survive—but nothing would surprise me anymore.”
As political deadlines approach and legal patience runs out, few in the Knesset believe that a stable resolution is likely. Netanyahu’s own maneuvering—now exposed in his private remarks to religious leadership—has undermined his standing not only in the opposition, but among many within his own coalition. Reservists, bereaved families, and secular activists are already preparing for the next wave of protests if the government caves to ultra-Orthodox demands.
After 20 months of war, with 56 hostages still held by Hamas and hundreds of thousands of soldiers and reservists longing to fulfill their mission and return home, the issue threatening to topple Israel’s government is not the fight against terror—but the refusal to share the burden of that fight. The debate is no longer about war or peace. It is about who is asked to sacrifice, and who is allowed to opt out.
