Netanyahu Is Trying To Escape, but a Commission of Inquiry Will Come
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends his trial on corruption charges at the district court in Tel Aviv on December 16, 2024. (STOYAN NENOV/POOL/AFP via Getty Images)

Netanyahu Is Trying To Escape, but a Commission of Inquiry Will Come

Maariv, Israel, March 6

The horror show that unfolded this week in the Knesset pushed the alienation, disconnection, and despicability of Netanyahu’s government to new extremes.

It began with the shocking treatment of bereaved families who had hoped to attend the plenary debate on the demand for a state commission of inquiry. Instead of Netanyahu personally going to meet the families, offering them comfort, embracing them, and escorting them to the plenary with honor, these families were forced to wait outside, standing at the doors like beggars, only to be humiliated—an unparalleled disgrace.

This marks yet another chapter in the destruction Netanyahu is bringing upon the country—a destruction that spans political, security, social, moral, and ethical dimensions. Since the government’s formation, Netanyahu has effectively erased everything good about the Jewish state.

But this was only the beginning. In his disturbing speech from the Knesset podium, which was supposed to address the question of establishing a commission of inquiry to investigate the greatest catastrophe in the state’s history, Netanyahu lost his temper and attacked anything that moved.

His shameful words exposed the poison machine at work and, in the process, revealed all the lies, plots, and filth that it spreads. Suddenly, what was clear to everyone took on new meaning, highlighting who was blowing the trumpets.

When it came to the commission of inquiry, he spent only a minute on it, and, as expected from his vile propaganda machine that thrives on division and cover-up, he painted the entire judicial system in political terms, declaring that the results were already predetermined.

Earlier, during his trial hearing, he didn’t hesitate to slander the security establishment, claiming that the heads of the Mossad and Shin Bet were a junta persecuting him. This came just minutes after the publication of the Shin Bet’s investigation, which pointed to Qatar’s financial support as one of the reasons for the security failure.

Netanyahu should have paid close attention to the words of hostage survivor Eli Sharabi, who was invited to meet with Trump, much to Netanyahu’s apparent displeasure. In a moving interview with Ilana Dayan, Sharabi stated that the hostage deal was “neither right nor left, it is honest.”

The same can be said for the call to establish a state commission of inquiry—honest, neither right nor left. For decades, we’ve lived with this vital institution, and only recently did Netanyahu himself demand such a committee to investigate an espionage affair. Now, however, he is desperately trying to avoid it, fleeing from the failure of his handling of Israel’s security.

In fact, of all the prime ministers in Israel’s history, Netanyahu seems to have earned the lowest level of public trust: the October 7 massacre, the failure to defeat Hamas, the foot-dragging in securing the release of hostages, the bungled treatment of evacuees, the lack of reconstruction in the north and south, and the rampant terror across the country all point to Netanyahu’s weakness in the face of Hamas.

Not only does his government refuse to establish a commission of inquiry, but its members have even suggested that the first ones to be investigated should be the judges. What about the judges and October 7? The propaganda machine has answers.

After all, everyone is to blame: Oslo, the Gaza disengagement plan, the Supreme Court, the military leadership, the heads of Mossad and Shin Bet, the opposition, and anyone else—but not the person who was at the top of the pyramid when nearly 1,200 people were massacred on that terrible day.

Even proposed compromises, such as allowing a conservative Supreme Court justice like Noam Sohlberg, rather than the despised Isaac Amit, to appoint the committee members, don’t seem to satisfy them. From their perspective, it appears that the ideal leaders of such a committee would be Levin’s Supreme Court nominees, members of the Kohelet Forum.

After the opposition grew disillusioned with toppling the government, it seems that until this malevolent government is replaced, the only hope left for the bereaved families, the families of those kidnapped, the survivors of October 7, and the public at large is the establishment of a state commission of inquiry.

And this will eventually happen. The coalition members must finally understand that this is not about right or left—it’s about what is just.

Yossi Hadar (translated by Asaf Zilberfarb)

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